中国乃至世界最卓越的管理者是谁？是。堪称中国现代企业管理需要效仿的标杆人物，其军事思想集中反映了颇具中国特色的战术战略，为以任正非、柳传志、宗庆后、史玉柱、陈天桥等为首的众多中国企业家所推崇，并在实际管理中得以运用。《军史商鉴》用全新视角深入挖掘和解读军事思想中蕴藏的企业管理之道，立足本土精心构筑一套企业管理理论体系，是中国企业家及管理者的本土企业管理经典之作，同时也是各党政干部了解我党、我军壮大简史，并可应用于日常工作管理、学习的参考读本。
The Politics of Upheaval, 1935-1936, volume three of PulitzerPrize-winning historian and biographer Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr."sAge of Roosevelt series, concentrates on the turbulent concludingyears of Franklin D. Roosevelt's first term. A measure of economicrecovery revived political conflict and emboldened FDR's critics todenounce "that man in the White house." To his left were demagoguesHuey Long, Father Coughlin, and Dr. Townsend. To his right were thechampions of the old order ex-president Herbert Hoover, theAmerican Liberty League, and the august Supreme Court. For a time,the New Deal seemed to lose its momentum. But in 1935 FDR ralliedand produced a legislative record even more impressive than theHundred Days of 1933 a set of statutes that transformed the socialand economic landscape of American life. In 1936 FDR coasted toreelection on a landslide. Schlesinger has his usual touch withcolorful personalities and draws a warmly sympathetic portrait ofAlf M. Landon, the Republican candidate of 1936.
An examination of the nature of political change within avillage, which the author calls Morapitiya, in the Kandyanhighlands of Sri Lanka, during the transition from colony toindependent nation. During the first years of Sri Lanka'sindependence, the United National Party perpetuated the 'indirectrule' policy of the British colonial government. In 1956, with theelection of a coalition government led by the Sri Lanka FreedomParty, this form of rule was rejected. The new government wascommitted to reviving the traditional Sinhalese culture, languageand Buddhist ideals, and to improving the living conditions of thepoor. Soon after assuming power, the S.L.F.P. government began toimplement political and economic policies designed to alter villagestructure in accordance with the new ideals.
In the second halfofthe 1990s, Stuart Eizenstat had perhaps the most controversial assignment of any U.S. foreign policy official in Europe. His mission had nothing to do with Russia,the Middle East, Yugoslavia, or any of the other hotspots of the day. Rather, Eizenstat's mission was to provide justice--albeit belated and imperfect justice--for the victims of World War II,while maintaining positive diplomatic relations with the nations being asked to pay. Imperfect Justice is Stuart Eizenstat's personal account of how the Holocaust became a political and diplomatic battleground fifty years after the war's end,as the issues of dormant bank accounts,slave labor,confiscated property,looted art,and unpaid insurance policies convulsed Europe and America.His story is not one of easy successes or an idyllic view of justice.Rather it is a revealing chronicle of high-stakes negotiations involving heads of European governments,played out on an international stage in an emotionally charged atmosphere,with a subtext
This book examines the relationship between free markets anddemocracy. It demonstrates how the implementation of even verypainful free-market economic reforms in Chile and Mexico havehelped to consolidate democratic politics without engendering abacklash against either reform or democratization. Thisnational-level compatibility between free markets and democracy,however, is founded on their rural incompatibility. In thecountryside, free-market reforms socially isolate peasants to sucha degree that they become unable to organize independently, and arevulnerable to the pressures of local economic elites. This helps tocreate an electoral coalition behind free-market reforms that iscritically based in some of the market's biggest victims: thepeasantry. The book concludes that the comparatively stablefree-market democracy in Latin America hinges critically on itsdefects in the countryside; conservative, free-market elites mayconsent to open politics only if they have a rural electoralredoubt.
This book by controversial ethicist Singer (a founder of the animal rights movement) is both broader and narrower than it purports to be. It offers a look at almost every significant policy the administration has taken a position on yet offers little in the way of new philosophic inquiry. Singer pits Bush's rhetoric and pre*ions against his actions, going from the topical (terror detainees, the war in Iraq) to the abstract (utilitarian theories of government). Singer's arguments are often reasonable and well documented: he asks whether an administration that emphasizes smaller government should be intervening in state right-to-die cases and whether someone so vocal about the value of individual merit should be rewarding birthright by eliminating the estate tax. But anyone who has followed recent critiques of the administration would learn nothing new from these familiar arguments and conclusions, such as that the justification for the Iraq war might have been problematic. Singer's logic can also be mushy.
To those who study or work in government regulation of business,the Federal Trade Commission has been of intense interest since1969. Regarded before 1969 as dormant and ineffective, the FTC hasbecome widely viewed as a major agency focusing on problems thataffect most American consumers and businesses. This book, the workof Contributors under the editorship of Kenneth W. Clarkson andTimothy J. Muris, is a comprehensive attempt to analyse the'revitalized' FTC.
The complete American presidential inaugural addressesfeaturing historical background by a National Book Awardwinner A testament to the power of oratory, this stirring and oftensurprising collection includes all fifty-five United Statespresidential inaugural addresses, as well as a general introductionand commentary that provides historical context for each speech.Marking pivotal moments in American history, readers willlearn: ? How George Washington came to ad-lib “So help me, God” at theend of his first inaugural address ? Why Thomas Jefferson’s first inaugural address is consideredone of the finest ever delivered ? The historical background behind Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Theonly thing we have to fear is fear itself” and John F. Kennedy’s “Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what youcan do for your country.”
Book De*ion "A spectre is hauntingEurope - the spectre of Communism." So begins one of history's mostimportant documents, a work of such magnitude that it has foreverchanged not only the scope of world politics, but indeed the courseof human civilization. The Communist Manifesto was written inFriedrich Engels's clear, striking prose and declared theearth-shaking ideas of Karl Marx. Upon publication in 1848, itquickly became the credo of the poor and oppressed who longed for asociety "in which the free development of each is the condition forthe free development of all." The Communist Manifesto contains the seeds of Marx's morecomprehensive philosophy, which continues to inspire influentialeconomic, political, social, and literary theories. But theManifesto is most valuable as an historical document, one that ledto the greatest political upheaveals of the nineteenth andtwentieth centuries and to the establishment of the Communistgovernments that until recently ruled half the globe. This Bantam Classic edi
本书共有300多种各型战机的精要介绍，尤其注重其研发历史和作战史，配有战机三视图，及其动力、武器和性能等各种技术数据，还有各型衍生和改进型号的介绍，是战机百科图书类别里极具特点的图书。作为战机深度鉴赏类百科，全书内容丰富，编辑角度独特，值得军迷和专业人士收藏，也是案头重要的参考书。
This book considers a variety of explanations of why politicaldisagreement is so extensive and persistent. The author examinesvariants of the 'contestability' and 'imperfection' conceptionswhich have dominated political theory: the idea that politicaldisagreement is so pervasive because of its value-ladenness; thatkey political concepts are essentially contested; that those whooccupy very different political positions fail to understand eachother. He argues that we need to develop a framework which borrowselements from both schools of thought, presupposing some form ofmoral cognitivism, while recognizing that many political disputescannot be resolved to the satisfaction of every reasonable person.Within such a framework he shows how empirical models can beconstructed which give an active role not only to the agent'sreasons for his or her beliefs, but also to other psychological andsociological considerations.
It is now 30 years since the publication of seminal articlesby Robert Cox and Richard Ashley, which introduced the project ofcritical theory to the international relations discipline. This2007 book brings together a team of world-class scholars to assessthe impact of critical scholarship on the discipline over thisperiod and point to future directions for the critical project. Thebook is an authoritative overview of the current position ofcritical international relations theory. It is an essentialresource for those working in critical international relationstheory and for undergraduate and graduate courses on InternalRelations theory.
Examines the impact of medical and psychological illness onforeign policy decision making. Illness provides specific,predictable, and recognizable shifts in attention, timeperspective, cognitive capacity, judgment, and emotion, whichsystematically affect impaired leaders. In particular, this bookdiscusses the ways in which processes related to aging, physicaland psychological illness, and addiction influence decision making.This book provides detailed analysis of four cases among theAmerican presidency. Woodrow Wilson's October 1919 stroke affectedhis behavior during the Senate fight over ratifying the League ofNations. Franklin Roosevelt's severe coronary disease influencedhis decisions concerning the conduct of war in the Pacific from1943–1945 in particular. John Kennedy's illnesses and treatmentsaltered his behavior at the 1961 Vienna conference with SovietPremier Khrushchev. And Nixon's psychological impairments biasedhis decisions regarding the covert bombing of Cambodia in1969–1970.
《政党学研究丛书：政党和政党制度比较研究》讲述了政党是近代政治的产物。人类社会进入近代以后，政党政治便逐渐成为近代政治体系的主流。政党是作为封建专制君主的对立物，伴随着民主的潮流而出现的。从政治体系而言，政党的出现是由于民主政治发展的需要。现代政治与传统政治的一个重要区别在于政党的出现和政党政治的发展，如果马基雅弗里时代政治舞台的主角是君主，那么当今世界各国政治舞台的主角是政党。从18世纪政党在英国议会出现以来，世界上许多国家的发展都是在各种各样的政党直接或间接指导下展开的。在人类社会跨入21世纪的当今世界，政党的存在几乎是各国普遍的政治现象，据目前全世界二百多个国家和地区的统计，除二十多个国家和地区是严格的君主制或政教合一无政党外，绝大多数国家都存在着政党，实行政党政治。政党的
