This 2004 book is a comparative study of the American legaldevelopment in the mid-nineteenth century. Focusing on Illinois andVirginia, supported by observations from six additional states, thebook traces the crucial formative moment in the development of anAmerican system of common law in northern and southern courts. Theprocess of legal development, and the form the basic analyticalcategories of American law came to have, are explained as theproducts of different responses to the challenge of new industrialtechnologies, particularly railroads. The nature of those responseswas dictated by the ideologies that accompanied the social,political, and economic orders of the two regions. American commonlaw, ultimately, is found to express an emerging model ofcitizenship, appropriate to modern conditions. As a result, theprocess of legal development provides an illuminating perspectiveon the character of American political thought in a formativeperiod of the nation.

In this 2008 book, legal scholars, philosophers, historiansand political scientists from Australia, Canada, New Zealand, theUnited Kingdom and the United States analyze the common law throughthree of its classic themes: rules, reasoning andconstitutionalism. Their essays, specially commissioned for thisvolume, provide an opportunity for thinkers from differentjurisdictions and disciplines to talk to each other and to theirwider audience within and beyond the common law world. This bookallows scholars and students to consider how these themes andconcepts relate to one another. It will initiate and sustain a moreinclusive and well-informed theoretical discussion of the commonlaw's method, process and structure. It will be valuable tolawyers, philosophers, political scientists and historiansinterested in constitutional law, comparative law, judicialprocess, legal theory, law and society, legal history, separationof powers, democratic theory, political philosophy, the courts andthe relationship of the comm

This 2001 volume investigates the nature of constitutionaldemocratic government in the United States and elsewhere. Theeditors introduce a basic conceptual framework which thecontributors clarify and develop in eleven essays organized intothree separate sections. The first section deals withconstitutional founding and the founders' use of cultural symbolsand traditions to facilitate acceptance of a new regime. The seconddiscusses alternative constitutional structures and their effectson political outcomes. The third focuses on processes ofconstitutional change and on why founders might choose to makeformal amendments relatively difficult or easy to achieve. The bookis distinctive because it provides comprehensive tools foranalyzing and comparing different forms of constitutionaldemocracy. These tools are discussed in ways that will be ofinterest to students and readers in political science, law, historyand political philosophy.

An examination of privacy and the evolution of communication,from broken sealing wax to high-tech wiretapping A sweeping story of the right to privacy as it sped alongcolonial postal routes, telegraph wires, and even today’sfiber-optic cables, American Privacy traces the lineage of culturalnorms and legal mandates that have swirled around the FourthAmendment since its adoption. Legally, technologically, andhistorically grounded, Frederick Lane’s book presents a vivid andpenetrating exploration that, in the words of people’s historianHoward Zinn, “challenges us to defendour most basic rights.”--Fromthe Trade Paperback edition.

The Religious Right has dedicated much of the last thirty years to molding the federal judiciary, always with an eye toward casting the Supreme Court in its image. Through broad political work that has involved grassroots campaigns as much as aggressive lobbying, and a welltended career path for conservative law students and attorneys, the Right has been incredibly effective in influencing major Court decisions on everything from laws banning prayer in school to women's secure access to abortion and birth control. How will the courts set in place in recent decades confront stem cell research, gay rights, or euthanasia in a new era? In The Court and the Cross, attorney and legal journalist Frederick Lane draws on legal history and savvy political analysis to expose, in layperson's terms, the Religious Right's unrelenting efforts to declare the United States a Christian nation.

'We have no choice but to go fight,' WaLty said,his voice still hoarse, his delivery slow. 'We try to piecetogether some proof. We go to court and fight Likehell, and when we Lose we can tell our clients that we foughtthe good fight. In every Lawsuit,somebody wins, somebody Loses.Sure, we'll get our butts kicked, but at this point I'drather walk out of the courtroom with my head upthan deal with sanctions and malpractice claims.'

The fact that London was parliamentarian rather than royalistwas one of the principal reasons for the defeat of Charles I in theEnglish Civil War. This book reinterprets London's role. Itexamines the relation of the municipality and of the City fathersas business magnates with both of the early Stuart kings and theirparliaments, and explores the business connections of the City withthe royal court, concluding that, far from being the natural alliesof the king and court as is generally assumed, the City elite hadmostly been seriously alienated from them by 1640. Professor Ashtonoffers an interpretation not only of the City's role in the yearsbefore 1640 but also of the reasons lying behind its support forparliament in 1642. It is both a contribution to the debate on theorigins of the Civil War and a study in depth of the connectionbetween big business and politics in early Stuart England.

This 2005 book argues that Europeanization and globalizationhave led to ever-more intensive legalization at transnationallevel. What accounts for compliance beyond the nation-state? Theauthors tackle this question by comparing compliance withregulations that have been formulated in a very similar way atdifferent levels of governance. They test compliance with rules atthe national level, at the regional level (EU), and at a globallevel (WTO), finding that in fact the EU has higher levels ofcompliance than both international and national rules. The authorsargue that this is because the EU has a higher level oflegalization, combined with effective monitoring mechanisms andsanctions. In this respect it seems that the European Union hasindeed achieved a high level of legalization and compliance, thoughthe authors add that this achievement does not settle the relatedqueries with the legitimacy of transnational governance andlaw.

This is primarily a textbook for graduate and upper-levelundergraduate students of law. However, practising lawyers andpolicy-makers who are looking for an introduction to WTO law willalso find it invaluable. The book covers both the institutional andsubstantive law of the WTO. While the treatment of the law is oftenquite detailed, the main aim of this textbook is to make clear thebasic principles and underlying logic of WTO law and the worldtrading system. Each section contains questions and assignments, toallow students to assess their understanding and develop usefulpractical skills. At the end of each chapter there is a helpfulsummary, as well as an exercise on specific, true-to-lifeinternational trade problems.

Located at the intersection of law, political science,philosophy, and literary theory, this is a work of constitutionaltheory that explores the nature of American constitutionalinterpretation through a reconsideration of the long-standingdebate between the interpretive theories of originalism andnonoriginalism. It traces that debate to a particular set ofpremises about the nature of language, interpretation, andobjectivity, premises that raise the specter of unconstrained,unstructured constitutional interpretation that has hauntedcontemporary constitutional theory. It presents the novel argumentthat a critique of the underlying premises of originalism dissolvesnot just originalism but nonoriginalism as well, which leads to therecognition that constitutional interpretation is already andalways structured. It makes this argument in terms of the firstprinciple of the American political system: by their fidelity tothe Constitution, Americans are a textual people in that they livein and through the terms of a fun