An examination of the nature of political change within avillage, which the author calls Morapitiya, in the Kandyanhighlands of Sri Lanka, during the transition from colony toindependent nation. During the first years of Sri Lanka'sindependence, the United National Party perpetuated the 'indirectrule' policy of the British colonial government. In 1956, with theelection of a coalition government led by the Sri Lanka FreedomParty, this form of rule was rejected. The new government wascommitted to reviving the traditional Sinhalese culture, languageand Buddhist ideals, and to improving the living conditions of thepoor. Soon after assuming power, the S.L.F.P. government began toimplement political and economic policies designed to alter villagestructure in accordance with the new ideals.

Jonas Tallberg offers a novel perspective on some of the mostfundamental questions about international cooperation and EuropeanUnion politics. Offering the first systematic theoretical andempirical exploration of the influence wielded by chairmen ofmultilateral negotiations, Tallberg develops a rationalist theoryof formal leadership and demonstrates its explanatory power throughcarefully selected case studies of EU negotiations. He shows thatthe rotating Presidency of the EU constitutes a power platform thatgrants governments unique opportunities to shape the outcomes ofnegotiations. His provocative analysis establishes thatPresidencies, while performing vital functions for the EU,simultaneously exploit their privileged political position tofavour national interests. Extending the scope of the analysis tointernational negotiations on trade, security and the environment,Tallberg further demonstrates that the influence of the EUPresidency is not an isolated occurrence but the expression of ageneral pheno

当今中国正在继续发轫于近代的借鉴西方走向富强之路的现代化进程，而中华民族悲壮的近代磨难的主要原因便在于对西方文化的跨文化误读，进而反思近代中国的悲壮历程对当前中国或许尤为紧要。很多中华学人矢志于辨析近代悲剧，不断阐发各自的宏论新见，以期尽可能认知近代悲剧的历史语境，而成为当前中国之鉴。袁伟时先生的《晚清大变局中的思潮与人物》便是辨剖近代悲剧的近著中极蕴新见的佳构。

Capitalism and Catastrophe questions whether there areprocesses in advanced capitalism that lead inevitably to systemiccollapse. The author challenges those Marxian theories based on aset of historically evolving 'internal contradictions' derived froma purely dialectical analysis of capitalism. In Part I he focuseson the controversy surrounding Rosa Luxemburg's theories ofimperialism and capital accumulation, and on Marx's treatment ofscience and technology in the Grundrisse. In Part I I he criticallyexamines neo- and non-Marxian theories of advanced capitalism, inparticular the work of Jurgen Habermas regarding the problem ofpolitical legitimation in advanced capitalism. Professor Rousseasargues that Marxists have severely underestimated the resilience ofthe capitalist system, which must be taken into account by anytheory of political economy relevant to the twentieth century.

The Politics of Upheaval, 1935-1936, volume three of PulitzerPrize-winning historian and biographer Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr."sAge of Roosevelt series, concentrates on the turbulent concludingyears of Franklin D. Roosevelt's first term. A measure of economicrecovery revived political conflict and emboldened FDR's critics todenounce "that man in the White house." To his left were demagoguesHuey Long, Father Coughlin, and Dr. Townsend. To his right were thechampions of the old order ex-president Herbert Hoover, theAmerican Liberty League, and the august Supreme Court. For a time,the New Deal seemed to lose its momentum. But in 1935 FDR ralliedand produced a legislative record even more impressive than theHundred Days of 1933 a set of statutes that transformed the socialand economic landscape of American life. In 1936 FDR coasted toreelection on a landslide. Schlesinger has his usual touch withcolorful personalities and draws a warmly sympathetic portrait ofAlf M. Landon, the Republican candidate of 1936.

They would be called upon to lead a nation in one of its darkest hous-but were they up to the task? He had been the wild, hard-drinding scion of one of America's premier political families. She was the school librarian with a warm smile and a tracks of September 11. 2001, they rose to the challenge: He became the embodiment of America's fighting spirit and she assumed the role of "Fighting spirit and she assumed the role of "First Comforter" with effortless grace. Still. the true nature fo their relationship has remained a mytery. Until now. In the style fo his#1 new Yourk Times bestseller The Day Diana Died and The Day John Died, as Well as his bestselling books about another President and First Lady, Jack and Jackie and Jackie After Jacks, Christopher Andersen draws on important sources-many speaking here for the first time-to paint a vivid, sometimes startling, often inspiring portrait of America's First Couple. Among the intriguing insights and stunning revelations: Important new information abou

《政党学研究丛书：政党和政党制度比较研究》讲述了政党是近代政治的产物。人类社会进入近代以后，政党政治便逐渐成为近代政治体系的主流。政党是作为封建专制君主的对立物，伴随着民主的潮流而出现的。从政治体系而言，政党的出现是由于民主政治发展的需要。现代政治与传统政治的一个重要区别在于政党的出现和政党政治的发展，如果马基雅弗里时代政治舞台的主角是君主，那么当今世界各国政治舞台的主角是政党。从18世纪政党在英国议会出现以来，世界上许多国家的发展都是在各种各样的政党直接或间接指导下展开的。在人类社会跨入21世纪的当今世界，政党的存在几乎是各国普遍的政治现象，据目前全世界二百多个国家和地区的统计，除二十多个国家和地区是严格的君主制或政教合一无政党外，绝大多数国家都存在着政党，实行政党政治。政党的

Examines the impact of medical and psychological illness onforeign policy decision making. Illness provides specific,predictable, and recognizable shifts in attention, timeperspective, cognitive capacity, judgment, and emotion, whichsystematically affect impaired leaders. In particular, this bookdiscusses the ways in which processes related to aging, physicaland psychological illness, and addiction influence decision making.This book provides detailed analysis of four cases among theAmerican presidency. Woodrow Wilson's October 1919 stroke affectedhis behavior during the Senate fight over ratifying the League ofNations. Franklin Roosevelt's severe coronary disease influencedhis decisions concerning the conduct of war in the Pacific from1943–1945 in particular. John Kennedy's illnesses and treatmentsaltered his behavior at the 1961 Vienna conference with SovietPremier Khrushchev. And Nixon's psychological impairments biasedhis decisions regarding the covert bombing of Cambodia in1969–1970.

The complete American presidential inaugural addressesfeaturing historical background by a National Book Awardwinner A testament to the power of oratory, this stirring and oftensurprising collection includes all fifty-five United Statespresidential inaugural addresses, as well as a general introductionand commentary that provides historical context for each speech.Marking pivotal moments in American history, readers willlearn: ? How George Washington came to ad-lib “So help me, God” at theend of his first inaugural address ? Why Thomas Jefferson’s first inaugural address is consideredone of the finest ever delivered ? The historical background behind Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Theonly thing we have to fear is fear itself” and John F. Kennedy’s “Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what youcan do for your country.”

It is now 30 years since the publication of seminal articlesby Robert Cox and Richard Ashley, which introduced the project ofcritical theory to the international relations discipline. This2007 book brings together a team of world-class scholars to assessthe impact of critical scholarship on the discipline over thisperiod and point to future directions for the critical project. Thebook is an authoritative overview of the current position ofcritical international relations theory. It is an essentialresource for those working in critical international relationstheory and for undergraduate and graduate courses on InternalRelations theory.

Neglected by scholars and journalists alike, the years ofconflict in Vietnam from 1968 to 1975 offer surprises not onlyabout how the war was fought, but about what was achieved. Drawingfrom thousands of hours of previously unavailable (and stillclassified) tape-recorded meetings between the highest levels ofthe American military command in Vietnam, A Better War is aninsightful, factual, and superbly documented history of these finalyears. Through his exclusive access to authoritative materials,award-winning historian Lewis Sorley highlights the dramaticdifferences in conception, conduct, and-at least for a time-resultsbetween the early and later years of the war. Among his mostimportant findings is that while the war was being lost at thepeace table and in the U.S. Congress, the soldiers were winning onthe ground. Meticulously researched and movingly told, A Better Warsheds new light on the Vietnam War.

After nearly a dozen books and service as secretary of statefor presidents Nixon and Ford, Kissinger has established himself asa major thinker, writer, and actor on the world's diplomatic stage.His newest work is a remarkable survey of the craft ofinternational relations from the early 17th century to the presentera. Beginning with the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, Kissingersummarizes three centuries of Western diplomacy, giving specialattenton to the influence of Wilsonian idealism on 20th-centuryAmerican foreign policy. He is not shy about describing his owncontributions to Nixon's foreign gambits, nor is he reticient aboutoffering his own advice to the current administration on how tohandle Russia, China, or the rest of the world. From Kissinger welearn that there is really little new about the New World Order.This is an important contribution to the theoretical literature onforeign affairs and will also serve quite ably as a one-volumesynthesis of modern diplomatic history. All libraries should havethi

'Deliberative politics' refers to the role of conversation andarguments in politics. Until recently discussion of deliberativepolitics took place almost exclusively among politicalphilosophers, but many questions raised in this philosophicaldiscussion cry out for empirical investigation. This book providesthe first extended empirical study of deliberative politics,addressing, in particular, questions of the preconditions andconsequences of high level deliberation. Using parliamentarydebates in Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the UnitedStates as an empirical base, the authors measure the level ofdeliberation by constructing a 'Discourse Quality Index'. Asdeliberative politics moves to the forefront of political theory,this book makes an important contribution to deliberativedemocracy.

This book considers a variety of explanations of why politicaldisagreement is so extensive and persistent. The author examinesvariants of the 'contestability' and 'imperfection' conceptionswhich have dominated political theory: the idea that politicaldisagreement is so pervasive because of its value-ladenness; thatkey political concepts are essentially contested; that those whooccupy very different political positions fail to understand eachother. He argues that we need to develop a framework which borrowselements from both schools of thought, presupposing some form ofmoral cognitivism, while recognizing that many political disputescannot be resolved to the satisfaction of every reasonable person.Within such a framework he shows how empirical models can beconstructed which give an active role not only to the agent'sreasons for his or her beliefs, but also to other psychological andsociological considerations.

The political parties in Congress are as polarized as they havebeen in 100 years. This book examines more than 30 years ofcongressional history to understand how it is that the Democratsand Republicans on Capitol Hill have become so divided. It findsthat two steps were critical for this development. First, therespective parties' constituencies became more politically andideologically aligned. Second, members ceded more power to theirparty leaders, who implemented procedures more frequently and withgreater consequence. In fact, almost the entire rise in partypolarization can be accounted for in the increasing frequency ofand polarization on procedures used during the legislativeprocess.

In the era of Kennedy and Khrushchev, power was expressed interms of nuclear missiles, industrial capacity, numbers of menunder arms, and tanks lined up ready to cross the plains of EasternEurope. By 2010, none of these factors confer power in the sameway: industrial capacity seems an almost Victorian virtue, andcyber threats are wielded by non-state actors. Politics changed,and the nature of power—defined as the ability to affect others toobtain the outcomes you want—had changed dramatically. Power is notstatic; its story is of shifts and innovations, technologies andrelationships. Joseph Nye is a long-time analyst of power and a hands-onpractitioner in government. Many of his ideas have been at theheart of recent debates over the role America should play in theworld: his concept of "soft power" has been adopted by leaders fromBritain to China; "smart power” has been adopted as thebumper-sticker for the Obama Administration’s foreign policy. Thisbook is the summation of his work, as relevant to gene

本书共有300多种各型战机的精要介绍，尤其注重其研发历史和作战史，配有战机三视图，及其动力、武器和性能等各种技术数据，还有各型衍生和改进型号的介绍，是战机百科图书类别里极具特点的图书。作为战机深度鉴赏类百科，全书内容丰富，编辑角度独特，值得军迷和专业人士收藏，也是案头重要的参考书。

本书共有300多种各型战机的精要介绍，尤其注重其研发历史和作战史，配有战机三视图，及其动力、武器和性能等各种技术数据，还有各型衍生和改进型号的介绍，是战机百科图书类别里极具特点的图书。作为战机深度鉴赏类百科，全书内容丰富，编辑角度独特，值得军迷和专业人士收藏，也是案头重要的参考书。

?《大动量：什么控制了我们的世界》的内容从金融次贷危机到伊拉克战争，从宗教信仰差异带来的行为到流行文化的潮流裹挟，从媒体网络的科技飞跃到全球环保运动所遭遇的支持与抵制，作者的视线遍及当今世界发展的各个关键领域，深刻剖析了随着“速度”（组织效率和传播速度）和“质量”（组织和投入的规模、影响力）的高度发展，大动量是如何对人类施加着支配性的、却又难以被察觉的巨大影响。 ?《大动量：什么控制了我们的世界》包含作者马克罗德对丰富案例的大量独到分析，文笔生动、鞭辟入里，并冷静地提醒世人小心大动量可能为世界带来的毁灭性打击，诚恳地建议我们如何在生活中保持冷静和独立的头脑，以幸存和完胜于这个易被各种危险动量所笼罩的“疯狂”世界。